How many aboriginal people live in canada

Sign up to My StatCan to get updates in real-time. View all content related to Indigenous peoples. Projections of the Indigenous populations and households in Canada, to Overview of data sources, methods, assumptions and scenarios.

Low-income statistics for the population living on reserve and in the North using the Census. Economic and Social Reports, August In , one in four women and one in six men reported having experienced inappropriate sexualized behaviours at work in the previous year.

Labour Force Survey, July After five years of increases, police-reported crime in Canada was down in , but incidents of hate crime increased sharply. Explore the distribution of the population with Aboriginal identity across Canada in using the Census Program Data Viewer. Aboriginal Population Profile, Census : This product presents information from the Census of Population focusing on the Aboriginal identity population of various geographic areas.

Data are available for the Aboriginal identity population by age groups for selected socio-demographic characteristics. Focus on Geography Series, Census : Focusing on a selected geographic area, this product presents data highlights for each of the major releases of the Census.

These data highlights are presented through text, tables and figures. A map image of the geographic area is also included in the product. A focal point for data produced by Statistics Canada's Centre for Gender, diversity and inclusion statistics. The Rural Canada Statistics Portal : Explore the growing field of data, analyses, and tools focused on the vibrant rural communities and regions of Canada. Statistics on Indigenous peoples. Find data on Crime and victimization. Demographic characteristics and Indigenous groups.

Again, this pattern might be misleading as some Inuit children in foster care outside Inuit Nunangat might originate from families inside Inuit Nunangat.

Indigenous languages have a very important role in Indigenous cultures, and reflect the rich and distinct worldviews of the different Indigenous nations across the country.

Knowledge of Indigenous languages is not compared to non-Indigenous languages in this report. Instead, the report examines trends in Indigenous language use over time and whether those trends reflect Indigenous peoples' aspirations with respect to the preservation and practice of their ancestral languages. According to the Aboriginal Peoples Survey Footnote 36 , half of Indigenous peoples living off reserve reported that it was somewhat or very important to them to speak an Indigenous language Footnote 37 Similarly, according to the First Nations Regional Early Childhood, Education, and Employment survey, the vast majority of First Nations adults living on reserve or in a northern First Nation community reported that it was somewhat or very important to them to understand As Figure 56 demonstrates, knowledge of an Indigenous language, defined in terms of one's self-reported ability to conduct a conversation in the language, is common only among Inuit Figure 57 illustrates that knowledge of an Indigenous language has declined slowly over time, when one considers the proportion of Indigenous people who can conduct a conversation in an Indigenous language.

Figure 58 demonstrates that, among First Nations, the ability to conduct a conversation in an Indigenous language varies considerably across regions, with rates among Registered Indians living on reserve ranging from as low as Their rate is even higher in the Northwest Territories and Nunavut, though it is worth emphasizing that the populations of Non-Status Indians in these regions is quite small. As Figure 60 illustrates, knowledge of an Indigenous language varies widely across the four Inuit regions.

The vast majority of Inuit in Nunavik Among Inuit living outside Inuit Nunangat, knowledge of an Indigenous language is comparatively rare at As Figure 61 demonstrates, the likelihood of knowing an Indigenous language is similar for males and females across Indigenous groups.

The percentage of Indigenous peoples with knowledge of an Indigenous language is only one way of assessing the long-term viability of Indigenous language use. The sheer number of language users is also important. With this is mind, it is important to note that, owing to the growth of Indigenous populations, the raw number of individuals who can conduct a conversation in an Indigenous language actually increased between and for some Indigenous groups: by 18, for Registered Indians living on reserve; by 4, for Registered Indians living off reserve; and, by 9, for Inuit Figure Looking at younger individuals is another way of examining the health and longevity of a language, since the survival of a language is heavily dependent on its transmission from parent or guardian to child in the home.

Footnote 40 As Figure 63 illustrates, among Registered Indians on reserve those aged A similar pattern is apparent among Registered Indians off reserve, with 7.

By contrast, younger people are actually slightly more likely than older Inuit to be able to conduct a conversation in an Indigenous language, suggesting strong long-term resilience of Indigenous language knowledge among Inuit.

Although the percentage of Non-Status Indians who can conduct a conversation in an Indigenous language is slightly higher among younger 2. Life expectancy is one of the key, internationally-recognized indicators of population health. The life expectancy gaps relative to the non-Indigenous population in were 8.

Figure 65 illustrates that life expectancy for males and females in Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations increased slightly between and Among males, Inuit life expectancy increased the most, and their gap relative to the non-Indigenous population narrowed slightly. Another key international indicator of population health is infant mortality, which is monitored by organizations such as the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and the World Health Organization.

The indicator is defined in terms of the number of infants who die before age one, expressed as a rate per thousand live births. Figure 66 illustrates that infant mortality is higher for each of the three Indigenous groups than for the non-Indigenous population. The error bars highlight that there is some imprecision in the estimates for the Indigenous groups.

Being safe in one's community is a key factor in well-being, and can be measured in various ways. This report looks specifically at experiences of violent victimization, which are measured in the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces in terms of whether one has experienced physical or sexual assault since the age of Figure 67 illustrates that Indigenous peoples are significantly more likely than the non-Indigenous population to have experienced violent victimization, with the gap being Not enough Inuit were surveyed to allow analyses specific to Inuit, and no data are currently available that distinguish Registered Indians from Non-Status Indians, or those living on versus off reserve.

Disproportionate levels of incarceration can be a strong signal that a holistic examination is in order of both crime and institutional responses to it.

Figures 68 and 69 below show data from the Adult Correctional Services Survey. Footnote 47 Since a single person can have more than one custody admission in a year, this percentage does not represent a true rate.

Nevertheless, it does suggest that custody admissions are far more common among Indigenous peoples than the non-Indigenous population. According to the Census, Indigenous people made up 4. In some cases, census data for the indicators considered in this report were readily available disaggregated for urban populations.

Analyses of these data revealed that gaps between Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations living in urban settings are generally similar to those that exist between Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations overall. Employment rates provide a useful illustration. Figure 70 shows the employment rate gaps between Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations overall, and Figure 71 shows the gaps for urban sub-populations. Urban and overall rates are within a percentage point of each other for Registered Indians living off reserve, Non-Status Indians, and the non-Indigenous population.

The difference is somewhat more marked among Inuit, whose employment rate is about two and a half percentage points higher in an urban environment. The tendency to see higher outcomes for Inuit in urban areas and smaller gaps relative to the non-Indigenous population , echoes earlier regional analyses, which showed the large differences in socioeconomic outcomes between Inuit living in Inuit Nunangat, and those residing in the South.

Indigenous Services Canada continues to take steps to improve the quality and availability of data on Indigenous populations to ensure that socioeconomic gaps between Indigenous and the non-Indigenous populations can be measured reliably and comprehensively. First, the department continues to provide funding and expertise to support the Census of Canada, which continues to be the cornerstone of data on Indigenous populations in Canada.

It not only provides high quality data that are comparable across populations and over time, and which are generally available even down to the community level, but it functions as a technical foundation for data integration, sampling, and data processing.

Second, the department continues to invest in specialized surveys on Indigenous populations. These include:. Importantly, the bulk of these funds were allocated to Indigenous organizations. Given the increasing recognition that strong, Indigenous-led data capacity is key to Indigenous peoples' self-determination and Indigenous Services Canada's ultimate goal of service transfer, the department prioritized survey initiatives that supported Indigenous peoples themselves to identify and address the data gaps impacting their populations.

Third, the department has invested in a number of surveys of the general Canadian population. Fourth, Indigenous Services Canada is turning its attention increasingly towards administrative data, or more specifically, the integration of select administrative data sources with other data sources such as Census and survey data , to produce powerful new data sets at relatively low cost and without increasing respondent burden.

Indigenous Services Canada has developed a partnership with Statistics Canada, through which administrative data from departmental programs are shared with Statistics Canada Footnote 49 , who explores their potential to be integrated with other data sets and used for new statistical purposes. Indigenous Services Canada has also shared its administrative data on infrastructure with Statistics Canada, who is using it to validate and supplement on reserve data from Canada's Core Public Infrastructure Survey; as well as the department's data holdings related to First Nation Chiefs and councilors, which Statistics Canada will use to report on gender representation among First Nation Chiefs and councillors.

Notably, Indigenous Services Canada's data sharing and integration relationship with Statistics Canada is just one element of the broader efforts being undertaken to improve and integrate the department's administrative data holdings.

Although Indigenous Services Canada must rely on Statistics Canada to integrate data about individual people, the department is taking steps to harmonize and integrate community-level data holdings, as a means of reducing respondent burden, improving data quality, facilitating fast and accurate reporting, and creating a multidimensional data set that will help program and policy makers understand the interrelationships between program and policy areas, so that services to Indigenous communities can be improved.

This work also responds to numerous reports and studies, over the past 40 years which have consistently underlined the negative impacts of a narrow focus on compliance and its associated recipient reporting burden, calling for a shift to a focus on outcomes. The report found that the department did not have a comprehensive picture of well-being of on reserve First Nations people compared with other Canadians as measured by the Community Well-being Index, and indicated that while the Index includes important measures of well-being i.

The department agreed with the OAG recommendation, highlighting in its response that it would build on the Community Well-being Index by co-developing, with First Nations and other partners, a broad dashboard of well-being outcomes that will reflect mutually agreed-upon metrics in measuring and reporting on closing socio-economic gaps. This means that the right data are necessary to track progress on priorities as identified by First Nations, and to demonstrate outcomes for Canadians on the closure of the socio-economic gaps between First Nations and non-Indigenous Canadians.

Finally, although improving Indigenous Services Canada's service delivery to Indigenous peoples is an important immediate goal, the department's data development work is also oriented to the longer-term goal of service transfer.

The investments in survey and administrative data described above will help ensure that Indigenous peoples have a wealth of high-quality data to support them as they take on increasing responsibilities for their members.

At the same time, the department is exploring ways to support Indigenous peoples to develop their capacity to govern, manage, and use those data.

In support of the Government's commitment to address the over-representation of Indigenous children and youth in care, Indigenous Services Canada continues to work with Indigenous, provincial and territorial partners to co-develop inter-jurisdictional data collection, sharing and reporting on Indigenous children in care. The provision of essential services to citizens is a core business of government.

The term "essential or core services" often refers to services that are critical to the public's health and safety and can include services such as healthcare, social services, infrastructure, and emergency response.

By definition, essential services must be available and accessible to all Canadians. Historically, there have been gaps in the availability and accessibility of some services for Indigenous peoples creating significant disadvantages. Ensuring that Indigenous peoples have access to services comparable to other Canadians is a core priority for Indigenous Services Canada and key to reducing socioeconomic gaps.

However, this alone is not enough to redress decades of underfunding. Efforts must aim toward achieving substantive equality, which refers to the achievement of true equality in outcomes.

It is achieved through equal access and opportunity and, most importantly, the provision of services and benefits in a manner and according to standards that meet unique needs and circumstances, such as cultural, social, economic and historical disadvantage, of the people that access them.

Addressing gaps in access to essential services is the first step toward closing socioeconomic gaps between Indigenous and the non-Indigenous population. There are currently 34 federal departments and agencies with responsibility to meet the Canada's obligations and commitments to Indigenous peoples. The Minister of Indigenous Services Canada leads federal efforts to achieve substantive equality for Indigenous peoples, a cornerstone of the broader approach towards reconciliation.

Indigenous Services Canada is responsible for supporting the provision of core services to Indigenous peoples including child and family services, education, health, social development, economic development, housing, infrastructure, access to potable water, and emergency response. It does this through a variety of authorities and arrangements which have evolved over time to address specific conditions and requirements. These services are vital to the overall wellbeing of Indigenous communities, and are a necessary precursor to Indigenous peoples fully participating in Canada's society and economy.

It is, therefore, incumbent upon the federal government to ensure that Indigenous peoples in Canada have access to essential services that aim to achieve substantive equality in order to ensure comparable access to services as non-Indigenous Canadians. The context in which services are provided to Indigenous peoples is a complex one due to a number of factors. The Indigenous population is rapidly increasing as a result of both natural growth and policy changes which in turn heightens overall demand for core services.

Between the and Censuses, the Indigenous population increased at a rate four times faster than the non-Indigenous population. Compounding this natural population increase is the passage of An Act to amend the Indian Act in response to the Superior Court of Quebec decision in Descheneaux c. Canada , which received Royal Assent in This legislation removed all known sex-based inequities in the Indian Act.

Footnote 52 The Parliamentary Budget Officer has estimated that the changes will result in between , and , additional individuals being eligible to register as status Indians, which will have a proportional impact on Indigenous Services Canada's demand-driven programs. Another factor that adds to the complexity is the evolving service context; specifically the interactions between federal and provincial systems, as well as the introduction of Indigenous-led organizations.

To date, the federal government has played a lead role in the delivery of services to First Nations living on reserve that would otherwise be delivered by provinces or territories.

In some areas of provincial jurisdiction, Indigenous Services Canada has adopted alternative service delivery models involving bilateral or tripartite agreements, that specify their own distinct coordination of funding and service delivery.

Indigenous governance structures also add complexity to this evolving dynamic as they vary across the country and jurisdictions, as well as across services and programs. Western-style forms of governance do not always align with traditional Indigenous governance systems, and vice versa, making it sometimes challenging for these systems to work well together.

This issue highlights the importance of incorporating Indigenous ways of being, knowing and understanding in the design, development, and delivery of services to Indigenous peoples, which is most easily accomplished if this work is Indigenous-led.

Currently, federal Indigenous programs and services are based on the application of various criteria, which can be a combination of: 1 distinction-based i. Registration under the Indian Act , residency on a recognized land base, and membership in a recognized Indigenous community are the three main criteria used to delimit those individuals entitled to certain program, treaty or statutory benefits.

At times, the varying criteria for determining eligibility for programs and services can create a patchwork of conditions that do not necessarily address the disparate circumstances, interests or needs of all Indigenous peoples or individuals.

Small community populations and the relative remoteness of many Indigenous communities can also impact the quality of and access to services. A small population base can, for example, make it difficult to find and employ technicians to manage water filtration systems, teachers, nurses, or a police force.

Access to these types of professionals is often taken for granted within larger population centres. A common co-relating factor to population size is the remoteness of many Indigenous communities, which can create pressure on two fronts as costs are proportionally higher for communities with fewer resources.

While technology is beginning to address some of the barriers associated with delivering services to remote and small communities, such as eHealth and access to physicians via videoconference, more remains to be done to fully address the needs of individuals in these communities i. Finally, emergency events are increasing in both frequency and intensity e. First Nations are 18 times more likely to be evacuated than non-Indigenous communities and are more susceptible to public health emergencies.

For Inuit, climate change is causing permafrost to thaw is affecting infrastructure and causing sea ice to disappear which is threatening the animals they rely on for food and creating space for invasive species from the South as the water warms. The last decade has been the warmest on record throughout North America. Factors such as climate change, overall forest health, and increased development into wildland areas across the country have increased the threat to Indigenous communities.

Recent wildfire seasons have illustrated the increased risk of Indigenous communities to wildfire, with the potential of devastating loss. Meanwhile, some First Nation communities need to be evacuated on a near-annual basis due to flooding. Further, we have been made even more keenly aware of the risks a pandemic like COVID could have on remote Indigenous communities, with less access to health services, higher rates of pre-existing conditions e. Understanding the challenges associated with this complex delivery environment is key to addressing obstacles that perpetuate socioeconomic gaps.

Acknowledging that Indigenous communities experience and prioritize issues differently through partnership and dialogue with those communities allows the department to adjust approaches, change attitudes, and identify where further financial investments are required to improve access, close socioeconomic gaps and to work toward substantive equality. Despite these complexities, Indigenous Services Canada's first order of business remains the delivery of core services to all Indigenous peoples, in a way that addresses their unique needs and circumstances.

Over the last several years, the Government of Canada has invested significantly in closing gaps in access to services. A respectful approach that includes dialogue and partnerships is a fundamental first step to closing socioeconomic gaps, but it is clear that these efforts will fall short if they are not also properly resourced financially.

Indigenous Services Canada is increasing service-access and closing socioeconomic gaps by using a distinctions-based, as well as a place-based, approach that takes into account the unique needs of urban, rural, remote and northern environments in the delivery and promotion of services.

In doing so, Indigenous Services Canada is well placed to support Indigenous partners in the design, implementation and evaluation of services that best address the socioeconomic gaps they face. Indigenous Services Canada works with First Nation governments and communities to support adequate and sustainable housing, clean drinking water and community infrastructure such as schools, roads, and wastewater systems, which are essential to healthy, safe and prosperous communities.

The Government of Canada has committed to making unprecedented investments in support of Indigenous community infrastructure. These projects included initiatives to address long-term drinking water advisories, build and renovate homes to help ensure that First Nations have access to safe, secure spaces in which to live a total 1, new homes and 3, renovated homes , and build, renovate or upgrade schools to create quality learning environments and promote better educational outcomes for First Nations students living on reserve a total of 18 new schools and 58 schools renovated or upgraded.

This also included the completion of health-related infrastructure projects for renovating, expanding or constructing First Nations health facilities, such as nursing stations, health centres, residences, as well as sites hosting Aboriginal Head Start On Reserve programming.

In total, there have been water and wastewater projects initiated or completed since Budget These projects include new, upgraded or repaired infrastructure, as well as feasibility and design studies to ensure that First Nations have the right infrastructure systems in place for growing communities. To date, water and wastewater projects have been completed and another are underway, benefitting First Nation communities across the country. As of September 10, , 91 long-term drinking water advisories have been lifted, and since November short-term drinking water advisories lasting between two and 12 months have been lifted before becoming long-term.

Geographical, systemic, and policy-related challenges have created a situation where Indigenous communities have limited access to doctors, registered nurses, medical specialists and other health providers, as well as health-related services. These factors have historically presented challenges to closing the socioeconomic gaps between Indigenous and the non-Indigenous population in Canada. These challenges must not be exacerbated by jurisdictional disputes at the expense of children.

It is for this reason that in , the House of Commons voted unanimously to support Jordan's Principle — a child first principle that ensures that First Nations children receive the health, social and education products, supports and services they require, when and where they need them.

The Government is committed to the full implementation of Jordan's Principle. Furthermore, in , Indigenous Services Canada implemented the Inuit Child First Initiative to extend the same level of support to Inuit children. Jordan's Principle and the Inuit Child First Initiative serve as one example of substantial investments that demonstrate Canada's commitment to stabilizing essential services and ensuring that these services are accessible to Indigenous people.

We are beginning to see the results of these investments. Child and family services is an area in which Indigenous Services Canada continues to advance important reform with partners, as evidenced by the co-developed legislation on Indigenous child and family services that opens the door to Indigenous control over this essential service.

As part of Budget investments, Indigenous Services Canada has implemented a new funding stream to fund community well-being and jurisdiction initiatives across the country.

These support Indigenous communities in developing and delivering prevention services and working to improve the well-being of children and families, as well as to explore jurisdictional models.

As it is based on close relationships and collaborative efforts with Indigenous governments and organizations, the community well-being and jurisdiction initiatives represent a positive and meaningful step towards self-determination. The Family Violence Prevention Program is part of the Government of Canada's effort to end violence against women and girls, stop family violence, and reduce and respond to violence against Indigenous people.

The Family Violence Prevention Program provides operational funding to support the day-to-day operations of Indigenous Services Canada's network of 46 emergency shelters on reserve and in the Yukon. This program also supports prevention activities that increase awareness of family violence and provide families and communities with tools to address violence; such as treatment and intervention, stress and anger management seminars, culturally sensitive services Elder and traditional teachings , as well as public awareness and self-development projects.

Between and , there were 3, women and 1, children who accessed Family Violence Prevention Program shelter services, not including the Yukon.

In recognition of the need for ongoing and enhanced supports Canada has continued to invest in this area. Funding was provided through Budget to support the creation of five new family violence prevention shelters.

This involves collaborating with Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada, other federal departments, Indigenous partners, as well as provinces and territories in the development of a National Action Plan. The department continues to work with First Nation partners to refine funding models, identify priorities, and explore opportunities to improve outcomes for First Nations students. The new co-developed funding approach for elementary and secondary education provides full-day kindergarten on reserve for children ages four and five.

Providing access to quality education is fundamental to closing socioeconomic gaps and achieving substantive equality. All children in Canada deserve a chance to reach their full potential, no matter where they live. In , the Government of Canada committed to working collaboratively with Indigenous partners to transform the education system for Indigenous students.

Engagement with partners led to an Assembly of First Nations Chiefs-in-Assembly Resolution that enabled the co-development of a new policy approach for funding First Nations elementary and secondary education on reserves. Effective April 1, , new interim regional funding models for elementary and secondary education are now in place to ensure that students attending First Nations schools are supported by predictable base funding that is more directly comparable to what students enrolled in provincial education systems receive.

On top of this base funding, additional funding is provided to support language and cultural programming, and full-time kindergarten for children ages four and five in on reserve schools.

This approach allows First Nations to be in the driver's seat — ensuring that they are in control of First Nations education. The Aboriginal Entrepreneurship Program seeks to increase the number of viable businesses in Canada owned and controlled by Indigenous people. The Access to Capital stream supports the National Aboriginal Capital Corporations Association and a network of 59 Aboriginal Financial Institutions which provide Indigenous entrepreneurs with non-repayable contributions, developmental loans and business support services.

Most of these individuals Another 2. Additionally, 1. Note 9. The majority The largest population was in Alberta 96, where The next largest was in Ontario 86, , where they represented Moreover, 5. In British Columbia, they made up 9. Inuit in Canada have a unique culture, core knowledge and beliefs. Many Inuit live within their distinct homeland. Footnote According to the NHS , almost three-quarters About 16, Inuit lived outside Inuit Nunangat. Nunatsiavut, in northern Labrador, has a population of 2, Inuit, or 3.

Inuit represented Nunavik, in northern Quebec, was home to 10, Inuit, or Inuit living in Nunavik accounted for There were 27, Inuit who lived in Nunavut, which has the largest land mass and biggest Inuit population within Inuit Nunangat. Inuit living in Nunavut accounted for nearly half Within Nunavut, Inuit represented The Inuvialuit region, in the Northwest Territories, had a population of 3, Inuit, or 5. Inuit living in the Inuvialuit region accounted In , John's Box 5: Aboriginal ancestry.

In this report the concept of Aboriginal identity see Box 6: Concepts and definitions is used to provide a demographic profile of Aboriginal people in Canada.

However, the NHS also contains a question on Aboriginal ancestry ethnic origin. Ancestry refers to the ethnic or cultural origins of the respondent's ancestors, an ancestor being usually more distant than a grandparent. A person can have more than one ethnic or cultural origin. In , more than 1. About 52, people reported more than one Aboriginal ancestry. Nearly 1. They constituted the largest Aboriginal ancestry group.

The Aboriginal population is younger than the non-Aboriginal population. This is due to higher fertility rates and shorter life expectancy. They represented over one-quarter In comparison, there were 5. Additionally, there were more than , Aboriginal youth aged 15 to 24, representing Non-Aboriginal youth numbered just under 4.

In comparison, seniors made up a lower proportion of the total Aboriginal population. In , there were about 82, Aboriginal people who were seniors aged 65 and over, accounting for 5. This was less than half of the proportion of In , the median age of the Aboriginal population was 28 years; 13 years younger than the median of 41 years for the non-Aboriginal population.

The median age is the age where exactly one-half of the population is older and the other half is younger. Inuit were the youngest of the three Aboriginal groups, with a median age of In , First Nations people were younger than the non-Aboriginal population in every province and territory Figure 3. First Nations people were the youngest in Saskatchewan and Manitoba where their median age was 20 years and 21 years respectively — half that of the non-Aboriginal population in these two provinces.

The median age for First Nations people was 35 years in Newfoundland and Labrador, the oldest. In Manitoba, there were 41, First Nations children, representing The median age for First Nations people who reported registered Indian status was For First Nations people with registered Indian status, the median age was 24 for those living on reserve and 27 for those living off reserve.

Inuit had a median age of 23, the youngest among the three Aboriginal groups. Nunavik and Nunavut were home to the youngest Inuit Table 5. The median age for Inuit living outside Inuit Nunangat was Almost four in ten Inuit were children aged 14 and under in both Nunavik and Nunavut. Children accounted for Children represented Aboriginal children Footnote 13 aged 14 and under in Canada lived in a variety of arrangements, primarily in families Footnote 14 with either both of their parents or with lone-parents.

One-half of these Aboriginal children Among these Aboriginal children and non-Aboriginal children living in a lone-parent family, the majority lived with a female lone parent.

Fewer than one in ten 8. A stepchild is a child in a couple family who is the biological or adopted child of only one married spouse or common-law partner in the couple, and whose birth or adoption preceded the current relationship.

About 10, Aboriginal children 2. This was the case for 0. Additionally, 9. The NHS results showed that 3. Aboriginal children aged 4 and under were somewhat less likely to be in foster care than those who were older 3.

In addition to foster children, a further 4, Aboriginal children aged 14 and under 1.